He has signed a bill providing for federal funds to be
distributed to "faith-based" charitable organizations.
He has expanded the number of federal crimes for which
the death penalty can be given to a total of sixty.
He has signed a bill outlawing gay marriages and has
taken out ads on Christian radio stations touting his opposition to any form of legal same-sex couplings.
In a short span of time, he has been able to kick ten million
people off welfare — that's ten million out of fourteen million total recipients.
He has promised states "bonus funds" if they can reduce
their welfare numbers further, and made it easier to get these funds by not requiring the states to help the ex-welfare
recipients find jobs.
He has introduced a plan that would bar
any assistance to teenage parents if they drop out of school
or leave their parents' home.
Though he is careful not to draw attention to it,
he supports many of the old provisions of Newt Gingrich's "Contract With America," including lowering the capital gains
tax.
In spite of calls from Republican governors like George
Ryan of Illinois to support a moratorium on capital
punishment, he rejected all efforts to slow down the number of executions even after it was revealed that there are dozens
of people on death row who are innocent.
He has released funds for local communities to hire
over a hundred thousand new police officers and supports laws that put people behind bars for life after committing three
crimes — even if those crimes were shoplifting or not paying for a pizza.
There are now more people in America without health insurance than when he
took office.
He has signed orders prohibiting any form of health care
to poor people who are in the United States illegally.
He supports a ban on late-term abortions and promised to sign the first bill to cross
his desk that includes an exemption only if the life of the mother is in jeopardy.
He has signed an order prohibiting any U.S. funds going to any country to be used
in helping women secure an abortion.
He signed a one-year gag order that prohibits using
any federal funds in foreign countries where birth control agencies mention abortion as an option to pregnant women.
He has refused to sign the international Land Mine Ban
Treaty already signed by 137 nations — but not by Iraq., Libya, North Korea, or the United States.
He has scuttled the Kyoto Protocol by insisting that "sinks"
(e.g., farmlands and forests) be counted toward the U.S. percentage of emissions reductions, thus making a mockery of
the whole treaty (which was written primarily to reduce the carbon dioxide pollution from cars and factories).
He has accelerated drilling for gas and oil on federal
lands at a pace that matches, and in some areas exceeds, the production level during the Reagan administration.
He has approved the sale of one California oil field in the largest privatization
deal in American history, and he opened the National Petroleum Reserve in Alaska (something even Reagan wasn't able to do).
And he became the first President since Richard Nixon not
to force the auto manufacturers to improve their mileage per gallon — which would have saved millions of barrels
of oil each day.
Yes, you'd have to agree,
considering all of his above accomplishments, that Bill Clinton was one of the best Republican Presidents we've ever had. There has been much hand-wringing since George W. Bush was given the office, with good people and liberals
everywhere freaked out that the son-of-a-Bush would wreak havoc with the environment, turn back the clock on women's rights,
and have us all reciting prayers in schools and at traffic lights. They are right to be concerned. But Bush is only the uglier and somewhat meaner version of what we already had throughout the
nineties — except that back then it came dressed in a charming smile from a guy who played soul tunes on a sax and told
us what kind of underwear he (and his interns) wore. We liked that. It felt good, normal. He could sing the Black National
Anthem. He Partied with Gloria Steinmen.
He watched my show! I liked the guy!
We
were all relieved that the Reagen/Bush years were over, and it was kind of cool that we had a President who had smoked pot
and called himself “the first Black President of the United States.” ....
The truth is, the choice between Bush’s “compassionate conservatism” and Clintonism is no more meaningful
than the choice between castor oil and cherry-flavored Robitussin.... George W. Bush did little more than CONTINUE the policies
of the last eight years of the Clinton/Gore administration. (pgs. 360-369)
Citations/sources
Chapter 10 — Democrats, DOA
For more information about Clinton's history on faith-based
charitable organizations: New York Times, "Filter Aid to Poor Through Churches, Bush Urges," Adam Clymer, July 23, 1999.
On federal crimes and the death penalty: Bill Clinton,
Between Hope and History (Random House), 1996, p. 80.
On gay marriages: Washington Post, "Clinton Ad
Touting Defense of Marriage is Pulled," Howard Kurtz, October 17, 1996; and Washington Post, "Ad on Christian
Radio Touts Clinton's Stands," Howard Kurtz, October 15, 1996.
On welfare: New York Times, "A War on Poverty
Subtly Linked to Race," Jason DeParle and Steven A. Holmes, December 26, 2000. On teen-age parents and welfare and adoption
tax credit: Minnesota Daily, "Clinton's Waffling Reaches New Levels," May 7, 1996.
On capital gains taxes: Republican National Committee
news release, "Statement by RNC Chairman Jim Nicholson on the Tax Relief and Balanced Budget Agreement," July 31, 1997.
On the death penalty: New York Times, "Charges of Bias Challenge U.S. Death Penalty," Raymond Bonner, June
24, 2000; and New York Times, "Clinton Is Urged to Declare a Moratorium on Federal Executions," Raymond Bonner, November
20, 2000.
On new police and three strikes law: Clinton, Between Hope and History, pp. 75-81.
On rates of the uninsured: the New York Times, "A War on Poverty Subtly Linked to Race," Jason DeParle and
Steven A. Holmes, December 26, 2000.
On insurance to illegal immigrants: Time, "Clinton's Plan: DOA?," Michael Duffy, February 14, 1994; and the Orlando Sentinel, "Refusing a Helping Hand," Wendy Zimmerman and Michael Fix, September 20, 1998.
Clinton on late-term abortions, San Francisco Chronicle, "Clinton Message on Christian Radio Back to Haunt
Him," Marc Sandalow, October 19, 1996; and the New York Times, "Deal on UN Dues Breaks an Impasse and Draws Critics,"
Eric Schmitt, November 16, 1999.
On the Land Mine Ban Treaty: Boston Globe, "US Should Sign Treaty Banning Land Mines," Susannah Sirkin and Gina
Coplon-Newfield, August 11, 2000.
On the Kyoto agreement: New York Times., "Treaty Talks Fail to Find Consensus in Global Warming," Andrew Revkin, November 26, 2000.
On drilling on federal lands: The Nation, "Teapot Dome, Part II: The Rush for Alaskan Oil," Jeffery St. Clair and Alexander Cockburn,
April 7, 1997; and The Nation, "Al Gore's Teapot Dome; Occidental Petroleum Acquires Large Portion of Elk Hills," Alexander Cockburn, July 17, 2000.
On fuel efficiency standards: New York Times, "The Energy Plan: The Standards," Keith Bradsher, May 18, 2001.
On activity on the Kyoto Agreement right before the election: the Guardian, "Sinking Feelings: Climate
change is one of the greatest threats to life as we know it," Paul Brown, October 11, 2000.
Republican support for revising the arsenic standards
was reported in the New York Times, "House Demanding Strict Guidelines on Arsenic Levels," Douglas Jehl, July 28, 2001.
Information about the federal funding of faith-based
organizations is from the Christian Science Monitor, "War On Poverty Enlists Churches," Gail Russell Chaddock,
June 19, 2000.
Sources for policies on overseas funding for abortions
are the New York Times,
"Bush Acts to Halt
Overseas Spending Tied to Abortion," Frank Bruni and Marc Lacey, January 23, 2001; and the New York Times, "Deal on
UN Dues breaks an Impasse and Draws Critics," Eric Schmitt, November 16, 1999.
Statistics about the availability of abortion doctors
come from Planned Parenthood/Family Planning Perspectives, "Factors Hindering Access to Abortion Services,"
Stanley K. Henshaw, 27(2), 54-59 & 87.